POLITICAL CHANGE
SWAZILAND 1960 – 1973
In the words of Charles Dickens “It was the best of times” said one “it was the worst of times” said the other. But they unanimously agreed that it was all “very exciting”. The dramatic socio-economic events and changes which took place in Swaziland in this period, and to date, must be seen, first and foremost, from the point of view of Swazi traditional culture which tolerates and knows no change whatsoever. Political change? That is a challenge against the person of the King. And who are you?
This is a small ancient kingdom with a very hard nose and instinct for survival. They are here today because, in the past, they have ruthlessly crushed the weak tribes and negotiated peace and dispensation with superior forces e.g. when Shaka threatened and was scattering tribes inside and outside Zululand c 1820 the Swazis sent him peace emissaries reminding him of the “special relationship” and friendship with the Swazi’s; together with a beautiful princess for a bride. Who would fight against such good friends and neighbours? When King Bhunu was threatened with arrest by the Boar Republic for having been implicated in the murder of his own Governor, one Mbhaba Nsibandze, he sought the protection of the British Government through Sir Theophilas Shepstone in Natal. That relationship was to lead to Swaziland being declared a British Protectorate in 1903, thanks to the declaration of the Anglo-Boar War, otherwise Swaziland would have been annexed to the Transvaal.
What is clear here is that the Swazi is our instinctive and tenacious survivor. Secondly, that the Swazi traditional political system was never amenable to change, to them, “political change” or “the way forward” means the end of the system. So “you cannot speak of political change and remain our friends” seems to be their slogan. Indeed, the official national slogan, first pronounced by the Imbokondvo or the King’s Party, is: “Siyincaba!” meaning “we are a fortress”. A fortress indeed. It is absolutely amazing that in the last 36 years since Harold MacMillan’s “Wind of Change” speech in Cape Town in March 1961, and the events that followed within the country, there has been no change in Swaziland except a noisy shuffling of feet.
The MacMillan speech had been one of observation rather than prediction. In West Africa Ghana was already independent, to be followed shortly by Nigeria; Kenya, Tanzania in East Africa, while the rest of Africa clamoured for independence. The very idea that the British Governments were ready to give the instruments of independence, not here solely to the king, but to any political leader whose party had won the highest number of seats in a fair and free election, sent shudders down the spine of the Swazi traditionalists.
By the Scruff of the Neck: Never before had the traditionalists been held by the scruff of the neck and told to change. And only the foolhardy, energy and zeal of youth could do that as far as they were concerned. I returned from Roma University College in Lesotho at the end of 1960 and immediately joined Mr. J.J. Nqukubu’s Swaziland Progressive Party (previously only an Association) and became leader of the Youth League. But it soon became clear that even old Mr. Nquku found the pace and political language of youth too much.
He outrightly refused to go to industrial centres to organize the workers, claiming that those were private properties from which he was not prepared to be arrested. He also refused to give account of donations to the party, particularly donations from abroad.
Having persuaded Dr Ambrose Phesheya Zwane to leave the civil service, we launched the Ngwane National Liberatory Congress in 1962, with Dr. Zwane as President and me, Secretary-General. Appreciate that at that time almost all the educated Swazi’s were unable to engage in political activities because they were either teachers or civil servants. The traditionalists had never had it so good. With Dr. Zwane doing full-time private clinical engagements, total organizational work fell on my shoulders. Supported by youthful volunteers, the organization grew like wild fire, and in June 1963 we called the first general strike which was 100 per cent effective in Havelock Mines, Big Bend Sugar Estates and Mbabane, the capital town. Demands were:
Sir Brian Marwick, the British High Commissioner was out of the country at the time. So this early confrontation was between myself and the Government Secretary Mr. Ethel Long. Tension was very high. The British Administration responded by calling in the first Battalion of the Gordon Highlanders a crack fighting force. The whole executive and party functionaries of the NNLC were thrown into prison. Back in London, The Guardian and the Observer had a jolly good laugh, for this was a completely peaceful strike. As the trial judge (Chief Justice William Watkins) observed, “Had anyone been killed and property damaged, I would have given you very long sentences. Nobody can give you credit for that you just have to take it.”
What were the Swazi-traditionalists to make of all this? Was the King’s political leadership in question? After our arrest, the workers had descended on to Lobamba, the King’s administrative capital, demanding action and reply to their demands from the employers and the government. Meetings and public gatherings without permission were banned, together with the carrying of sticks and spears. There was tension in the land. I am glad to say that the Commission of Inquiry (The Tomlinson Commission) that was appointed by the Government almost agreed with us that both working conditions and pay had never been reviewed since 1903.
The interesting thing throughout is that at no time have political parties in Swaziland attacked the King or the Swazi monarchy. But from way back when we were still with Mr. Nquku in 1961 our constitutional submissions to the British Administration was that we wanted the King to be a constitutional monarch, above politics and the day-to-day running of Government. No, said the traditionalists, now formed into “the King’s party” (1964), in Africa King’ rule as well as reign.
In response to the British Administration’s move towards the first Legislative Council in which all political parties would contest a free and fair election, the King called what became known as “the Reindeer Referendum” – a symbol of the Lion (representing the King) and a Reindeer (representing Sir Brian Marwick). This was presented as proof that the Swazis were against political parties. Word went out that those who did not vote for the King (the Lion) would go to their own land. No Swazi would have voted otherwise.
Advised by the best brains in the business (the then internationally recognized constitutional lawyer Professor David Cowen) we warned that the sins and mistakes of politicians claiming to represent the King would know into the good name and popularity of the Swazi monarchy and the King. Ignored, together with all the reassurances, written and verbal, that we were ready to work with the King in a democratic constitution that sets out the separation of powers not only between the King and government but among all the functionaries of State. Repeated warnings by a very friendly Queen’s Commissioner (Sir Brian Marwick had spent years in Swaziland before his appointment) was also ignored.
Our predictions have been fulfilled. Although the Imbokodvo National Movement (“The Grinding Stone”) swept the board and won all the seats both in 1964 (First Legco) and the independence elections in 1967-68, they lost the Lubombo Constituency (three seats) in the 1972-73 General Elections to the NNLC. Led by Prince Makhosini Dlamini, the Grinding Stone was now grinding its owners. By 1978 it was completely dead, with its leaders wither in prison for theft of public funds, ritual murder or both. Those who survived, like Prince Mfanasibili and Polycarp Dlamini were yet to show their true colours upon the death of King Sobhuza II in 1982. The rest is history.
So when King Mswati III talks about following his father’s footsteps, you wonder what exactly is he talking about. What we are wondering about is whether he did learn anything from his father’s experiences, what I do know is that upon my return from my studies in the United States in 1975 King Sobhuza admitted, in private, that his ministers had failed him, he was ready to report to his ancestors – no small words coming from a King of his age and experience. I would have thought King Mswati would be looking for better solutions.
Thank you.